Thursday, June 11, 2009

100-Day Assessment and the Myth of American Exceptionalism

Gentle readers, allow me first to apologize for the length of this article. The consideration of a president’s performance is a complicated matter. We must consider not only what he has accomplished/attempted, but the reality of what can really be expected of him---with the cooperation, or not, of Congress and the reality of what WE expect and will tolerate. I have lumped together these two subjects because “American Exceptionalism” is intertwined in constraint of what can be done.

It’s easy to direct anger and frustration at our previous government when so much of its machinations were so repugnant to many of us. I’m afraid this is misdirected anger. For starters, we were not blind-sided by the Bush administration. Regardless of his campaign promises in the 2000 election and regardless of the dubious election that put him in office, by 2004 we had ample information and ample familiarity, including the evidence of Abu-Ghraib atrocities in April of that year, to have swept this man into the gutter. How many among us actually believed that the government was not behind this? The contention that the 2004 election was tainted is irrelevant; Bush should have been repudiated by a 90% margin! The reality that half of us voted for him in the face of all that we had seen is the issue that needs to be considered.

We are responsible for the misdeeds of our government. We have learned over and over that we cannot trust our government---we know they lie to us. We cannot trust our government to act on behalf of our own country, much less with integrity toward other countries. Any citizen who is not aware of this after Vietnam, alone, is clearly not engaged.

Mr. Bush was an under-achieving, under-educated man who rose to political heights, not because of his intelligence or ability to do anything well, but because of his name and his election machinery. He made no claim to be well-read or well-informed. He openly promoted religious dogma and advanced the notion of “American Exceptionalism.” He flaunted his lack of sophistication by speaking in “good-ol'-boy” vernacular, and represented the Republican Party’s repudiation of intellect. This approach to politics is totally laughable, except it works! It got him elected. Sarah Palin, Joe the Plumber and Rush Limbaugh represent the intellectual wing of the Republican Party!

This has become our national character. Mr. Bush is US! His government was a perfect reflection of who we are: under-educated, under-achieving, apathetic slackers, who are more interested in the NFL than the welfare of their country. Our recent prosperity has come from the naive benefaction of foreign lenders. We worry more about taxes than educating our children. We blame hard-working immigrants for our problems; we care more about Paris Hilton than Paris, France. We don’t pay our own bills; why should we care if the government doesn’t pay its bills. We vote for a man based on whether we “like” him, rather than what kind of a president he promises to be.

It’s in the shadow of OUR perfidy to our country that we must consider the performance of Mr. Obama. In 2006 we swept Republicans from office in outrage over Bush’s policies. What did the Democrats do to undermine his programs? NOTHING! If Bush were a Democrat, he would have been impeached---successfully---by the Republicans. But the Democratic Congress is implicated in all that transpired in the last eight years. All but a few supported the wars.

The resolution to support Mr. Bush’s war plans was based on three conditions: 1) proof of weapons of mass destruction, 2) proof of collaboration with al Qaeda and 3) proof of the connection between Iraq and the events of 9/11. None of these conditions was met; the government issued flimsy lies on behalf of all three and repeated them over and over, based on the accurate assumption that we would be stupid enough to believe them. The government’s claim of connection between al Qaeda and Iraq consisted of a confession, subsequently retracted, by Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi, induced under torture after rendition and finally murder in Libya. For MWDs, we had “yellow cake”, aluminum tubes, Valerie Plame and “Curveball”; there was no evidence to connect 9/11, only claims. We were caught up in the drums of war because of 9/11, swept by passion into a reckless, irresponsible catastrophe. Aside from a few lonely voices, Congress, with no more sense than we, failed to rein in the president because it recognized that we were on board with the contagion of war fever. We swallowed the president's lies and backed his policies largely because we're cursed by the greatest military force the world has ever seen. Our reckless presidents use this might with our blessing because we think we can get away with it.

The so-called liberal press promoted the president’s plans by daily trumpeting his false claims, glorifying our presumed danger and determination to allay the peril. "From August 2002 until the war was launched in March of 2003 there were about 140 front page pieces in THE WASHINGTON POST making the administration's case for war," says Howard Kurtz, the Post's media critic. "But there was only a handful of stories that ran on the front page that made the opposite case. Or, if not making the opposite case, raised questions." A “balanced” press would have pointed out in each story advancing government proposals that there was no conclusive evidence to support the claims. If the press were actually "liberal", front page articles would have appeared daily pointing out that the government had no case for war. The powerful scions who own the media have a stake in war. It's good for commerce.

Congress was briefed about “enhanced interrogation” as early as 2002; this was seemingly endorsed by press and journalists from both sides of the aisle. All of these people were also afraid to oppose this hideous policy. (See Jacob Weisberg's article from NEWSWEEK.) There is some contention now that our congressmen were not informed, but it largely comes down to “he said, she said”. There was ample information that our government was not behaving properly or legally. Beyond doing nothing, in 2006, in full view of the American public, congress passed the Military Commissions Act. Rejecting core American values, this act effectively undermines the Constitution, giving the president powers to be judge and jury over any individual whom he cares to claim is a “threat to the state." This was utter congressional capitulation, absolving government officials (including implicated members of congress themselves) of responsibility and prosecution from violation of the War Crimes Act. The president signed this abomination, which might have been titled: The George W. Bush Absolution Act, into law.

Unfortunately, we can't expect Congress to act on behalf of our laws in face of public opprobrium, much less a feckless president. Congress has no interest in assuming its constitutional duties as a one-third partner in running our government. Their sole interest lies in getting re-elected. In the early seventies, it was public outrage---outright rebellion and Congressional plug-pulling that impelled Mr. Nixon to evacuate his armies from Vietnam. Where are these young people, these people who care, now?

There was a time when we expected our government to have integrity and be responsible. Well within the memory of many, our leaders worried about at least appearing to do the right thing. This changed in the eighties. In 1979 President Carter pointed out the impending danger of oil imports and the strain of imbalanced trade accounts. In response to the clarion call of a looming threat to our nation, among the three presidential candidates in 1980, Carter promised to tackle this problem directly, John Anderson (a Republican running against the Reagan ticket) promised a “starter” fifty cent-per-gallon gasoline tax. Ronald Reagan promised “Morning in America:” no problems, no sacrifice, no tax, no trade problem, infinite oil---just elect him. That’s the message we wanted to hear; and the Republican Party has been running on that platform ever since.

We talk about patriotism and wear a flag on our lapel, but the vast majority of our citizens have no more interest in the welfare or integrity of their country than of their own household budgets. The integrity of our political system requires that the government follows its own laws. It is our responsibility to hold our representatives accountable to this standard. Instead, we accept, and we allow our government to operate from the dangerous premise of American Exceptionalism.

The roots of the term are attributed to Alexis de Tocqueville, who noted in the 19th Century, that the United States held a special place among nations, because it was a country of immigrants and the first modern democracy. The term itself did not emerge until after World War II when it was embraced by neoconservative pundits in what was described in the International Herald Tribune as "an ugly twist of late". Since that war we have been congratulating ourselves for “saving the world” and proceeding with the notion that “the world owes us.” We hear this from our government, we hear this from our parents; we hear it from the media. We are so accustomed to the notion that somehow our nation doesn’t have to operate by the same rules as other countries, that we're inured to it.

A couple of examples:

In the 1996 presidential campaign, President Clinton received contributions from sources connected with the Chinese government. This incident was made into a scandal because it’s in violation of our laws proscribing foreign powers from meddling in our politics. Clinton said, “Obviously it would be a very serious matter for the United States if any country were to attempt to funnel funds to one of our parties for any reason whatever.”

Fueled by the Republican campaign committee, Americans were outraged over this matter. Yet our government has made an art-form of meddling in the affairs of foreign countries and their political process for over eighty years. The list of specifics is epic. We manipulate the economies of foreign countries. We engage in all forms of shenanigans to disrupt their political process. We prop up dictators, foment political unrest, directly overthrow popular governments and occasionally execute heads of state, all under the rationale that it is in our national interest. WE, the people, accept the notion that this is OK for our government---because our national interest somehow trumps that of the rest of the world.(!)

And the (so-called liberal) press backs this fully. In recent years the press has trumpeted the government’s outrage over Iranian backed insurgency in Iraq…as though Iran has no right to impact the political course of their next door neighbor, thwarting our efforts. We did the same in regard to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. (How would we respond if Turkey invaded Mexico to overthrow their government?) Yet we obviously have every right to invade a country on the other side of the world, one that posed no threat to us? Our citizenry, you and I, are passive to this outrageous hypocrisy because we have bought into “American Exceptionalism!”

So in regard to the pursuance by the Justice Department of retribution from Bush administration officials over torture, the tangled web of responsibility that surrounds that administration would ultimately never be penetrated. Who, after all, is responsible?

For those who think, "The United States of America does not commit torture", it's time to face reality. Our government has a long relationship with torture. Aside from clear torture conducted during the Civil War, more recently we need only look to the Vietnam War. The United States sponsored, trained, and funded Operation Phoenix, which approved torture by our allies, the South Vietnamese government. By the CIA's own account, over 20,000 suspected insurgents were killed or tortured to death with our approval. We're now re-visiting how we trained torturers and allowed death squads to operate in Central America. During World War II we rounded up 120,000 Japanese Americans and put them in concentration camps. And now we think that there's torture going on by our allies in Iraq. Presumably, it's a matter of proximity to the evil. If you're doing it directly, is it different than if you're encouraging somebody else to do it (extraordinary rendition)?

So what is different now? The difference is that this has been made legal...this was officially sanctioned. This was ordered by the President. The Department of Justice made memos saying you can do this. The principals, Attorney General, Secretary of Defense, Secretary of State, National Security Adviser, sat in meetings and talked about interrogations that were plainly illegal, according to our laws, and according to treaties we have signed. All of it is now laid out before the public. If you look at Fox News or a discussion of this on the conservative side you find a strong assertion that: "Not only should this stuff have been done, but we should keep doing it."

So when administration lawyers were giving the go-ahead, when congress had knowledge of these measures and gave at least tacit approval, when the American public knew what was going on and allowed it to resume for years, who is responsible?

I personally am responsible. I learned of this, as did we all, in 2004. I was outraged, but did not fire off letters to my representatives over one more particular, disgusting episode in our government’s behavior. It was so obviously unacceptable that a letter was unnecessary. I failed to organize or participate in expressions of public dissent. We are all responsible for the actions of the Bush government. It's likely that culpability by top members of the Bush administration could never be proved in a court of law. I believe Mr. Obama is wise to stay clear of this matter.

And to what extent do we allow our government to prosecute anyone that the president chooses to call “enemy of the state”? How long before our president includes political enemies in such a broad category? And who, after all, are the terrorists anyway? If someone planted a bomb in the Pacific View Shopping Mall, killing 359 shoppers and clerks, we would call that person a “terrorist”. What if a bomb destroys a shopping mall in Baghdad, or a suburban housing tract in Kabul---a bomb that happened to be lodged in the warhead of a Cruise missile, fired from a U. S. Navy ship, and ordered by our president? Do we have the right to decide this is OK---because our lying government claims it’s in support of our national security? Only if one accepts the notion of “American Exceptionalism” can this not also be recognized as "state-sponsored terrorism".

And who is to say that such bombing makes you and me safer, even if there may have been two "terrorists" among the 320 dead? How many of the thousands of survivors of this massacre, will be compelled to take up arms and vengeance against us in any form of army that presents itself. Terrorists, no. These are freedom fighters. Any real "war on terrorism" must begin at home.

I’m sorry, friends; bombing foreign countries is not OK. Yet 90% of our ovine population supports this outrage. The “Republican Noise Machine”, led by Dick Cheney and Rush Limbaugh, is on a propaganda blitz to convince us that any effort to undermine the policies leading to the mess they have put us in will be responsible for future and inevitable attacks. What's behind the unprecedented maneuvering of our former administration? This is much more than "legacy".

If Cheney and the noisy, right-wing rabble can coerce the new administration to continue the policies of the previous administration for even a month, it validates the Bush government and puts prosecution out of reach. On the other hand, if Mr. Obama is successful in defusing or even reducing the threat of international terrorism, this represents the greatest threat to these craven demagogues.

Additionally, engaging this rabble (Rush, Fox News, Hannity, etc) in fear-mongering over terrorism lends credence to the notion that policies of the new administration will have been responsible for future incidents of terrorism. In fact, the likelihood of such incidents is very high. The only likely solutions to this problem are either to perpetuate the Bush “Homeland Security” program, leading to a fortified police state, or stop doing the things that cause people to want to kill us. Cheney's solution is obviously the former; but we would have elected John McCain if that was where we wanted to go. Cheney is still trying to win the last election---after defeat. (Hey, Republicans did that in California in 2003 after losing the election to Grey Davis.)

To proceed with the second alternative, the American people must abandon the concept of “American Exceptionalism” and demand that our government conduct foreign affairs with integrity. We must come to realize how oppressive our foreign policy is. Please read Confessions of an Economic Hitman, by John Perkins for a primer on the subject. It's relatively short and quite engaging. We need to make the connection between these policies and terror! We need to care enough about our country and our world to do this.

As for what Mr. Obama should do, he has already stated that government officials complicit in torture will not be prosecuted. This ambiguous move side-steps the criminality of the policy, lending to it tacit approval. We believe Mr. Obama should pardon complicit government officials, as Gerald Ford pardoned Nixon. This would make open acknowledgement of the criminality involved. Acceptance of a pardon is acknowledgement of having committed the crime. Next, the government should make (quiet) diplomatic overtures to the world court, opening the door for prosecution of war criminals.

Meanwhile, it’s cathartic that our nation should pay penance for the mess that our arrogance has created. We need this agony, obviously having forgotten the Vietnam War in a short generation. Mr. Bush had every intention of marching through Iraq, Iran and on, as Alexander, spreading his "vision of democracy,” Had he really found "Mission Accomplished" in Iraq, would we have actually permitted this? With the right-wing rabble pushing it, I suspect so.

Real change must come from us. We must first realize that “American Exceptionalism” is a myth. We must come to realize that the impact of meddling in internal affairs of other nations---our foreign policy---is pejorative, not only to the world, but to us. We are not advocating detachment, rather a foreign policy that leads to a world that is better for the nations to which we give real aid, not the kind of aid that leads to enrichment of American companies and economic as well as military dominion. Likewise, we must come to realize that our immense military budget and strength is a liability, every bit as much as it’s an asset. We have seen up close what this power can do in the hands of a man like President Bush. Only the wisest among us is capable of using it responsibly.

We have shown enough wisdom to elect a person who appears to be capable of changing our direction. This is a good, first step. But the bottom line here is that unfortunately, President Bush was a reflection of us. If we want significant change to our institutions, then WE have to change. It’s unreasonable to think that by electing a different kind of president, we can change our institutions, in  four short years, much less a few months. This process may take a generation. Just last week Mr. Obama signaled to the Israelis that we will no longer endorse the illegal establishment of settlements in occupied lands. On so many fronts Mr. Obama is on track that Robbinsense endorses his efforts; we give him a B+ for his 100-day grade.

Monday, June 8, 2009

Star Trek Movie Review

After weeks of rave reviews for the latest Trek movie (even an endorsement from the president!), with moderate skepticism we ventured out last night to find precisely what we expected: the standard, trite formula: action, violence and special effects. Oh sure, they re-invented (used) our beloved characters as a vehicle to pull in a large gate; but aside from these wafer-thin imposters, there was no Star Trek in the production.

Instead, we got a pop-culture caricature of an arrogant, self-serving, authority-defying youth with zero leadership potential who brings the staid, adult leadership of Star Fleet Command to its knees in adulation over imaginary heroism.

We got another message to our youth that arrogance, disrespect for others, and wanton violence have no consequences. Oh, so we don’t need to fear a beating that would probably require months of reconstructive surgery, plastic surgery, dental reconstruction, leading perhaps to permanent mental disability, since our hero walked away from a bar fight that he initiated with a few bruises and felt fine a couple of days later.

J. J. Abrams has hijacked and sullied the Star Trek franchise by twisting Gene Roddenberry’s vision of exploring the best that we have to offer and delivering the worst. I was duped into visiting this travesty. Can the legacy of my beloved Star Trek survive this assault?

Television is filled with “reality” programs that are as contrived as any of these action thrillers that attack our senses. It must be another comment on our culture that in order to find a movie depicting real life we must go to Pixar and watch a cartoon.

Oh yes, Checkov was not in the original crew of the Enterprise.

Saturday, June 6, 2009

The Politics of Drugs

by Jackson Dave

In April, Robbinsense addressed the state budget, focusing primarily on amending the state constitution. Though there is now some discussion on that possibility, this would take years, if we had the political will to undertake it. We touched, then, on legalizing drugs as a solution.

Legalization of opiates, cocaine and marijuana, which comprise the vast majority of illegal drugs, would remove the “trafficking” element from the economy that supports gangs, removing the money which drives the industry. Many (including Kevin A. Sabet) believe that legalization, even of marijuana, should be avoided simply because it provides additional avenues for the social ills of drug use, with attendant health care costs and workplace problems. But at what cost, I beg you, do we infringe upon our own freedom when the price of admittedly ineffective restrictions appears to exceed the value we place on liberty?

The actual extent to which drug use would increase is, after all, moot, and there are many elements to the discussion that should be addressed. In the first place, we are not advocating legalizing drugs for teenagers or amphetamines under any circumstances. We advocate that opiates, cannabis and cocaine be available legally, essentially as alternatives to alcohol and tobacco. Availability of cocaine at an affordable price would likely displace much of the market for amphetamines, which are probably the most dangerous of all the "recreational" drugs.

All of these drugs are readily available, legal or not. In The United States, the “social” cost of loss of productivity in the workplace from alcohol is estimated at $148 billion annually. This doesn’t include the cost of medical problems, traffic injuries, psycho-trauma to children of alcoholics or domestic violence that arise from alcohol abuse. While the social costs of alcohol and tobacco dwarf those of the other drugs, we’ve seen that the social cost of prohibition is far greater. Consider the general lawlessness and expansion of organized crime networks produced by the Volstead Act (Prohibition).

Regarding marijuana, in 1988, The Drug Enforcement Administration's own Judge Francis L. Young, after two years of hearings, deemed marijuana “one of the safest therapeutically active substances known to man. In strict medical terms, it is far safer than many foods we commonly consume.” Young went on, “…nor is it physically addictive, unlike your daily burst at Starbucks, as anyone who has suffered from a caffeine withdrawal headache can attest.” Beyond that, there are many therapeutic cases made for this drug.

Much of the allure of drugs, especially to young people, comes from their illegality. For an analogy we can look at the diamond market. Diamonds are perhaps the most plentiful of the precious stones. Their great supply should make them inexpensive; but DeBeers controls world supply---by coercion or force---and limits that supply to keep prices up. Illegality of narcotics restricts that trade as well, leading to high prices generated by underground distribution networks. While the allure of diamonds is enhanced by their presumed scarcity, the same applies to illegal drugs. Economists recognize "negative elasticity of demand" for certain products---that is, as the price of a commodity increases, the demand increases. This is in direct opposition to a normal demand profile; it applies to diamonds, as well as, perhaps, drugs.

Legalization would remove the “criminal” aspect of the distribution networks, leaving us with only the social problems. It’s a stretch to speculate that this would be greater than the total cost that we face now, especially considering the law enforcement aspects. Legalization would result in normal suppliers with low prices and the prospect of substantial tax revenue, as with alcohol and tobacco.

Why do we handle these different classes of drugs differently? The sad answer is politics and special interests. We have been conditioned to accept this policy, much as for decades we were conditioned to believe that Communism was a mortal threat to our society. We’ll look more closely at the “logic” behind this policy later.

We have a lengthy and confusing legal history with Cannabis as well as opiates. A brief history will ensue---in italics for those wishing to skip it.

In Jamestown Colony, Virginia, 1619, all farms were required to grow Indian Hempseed. Farmers who failed to comply were jailed. We've been led to believe that George Washington was a tobacco farmer, but hemp was the primary crop at Mt. Vernon, and secondary crop at the Jefferson’s estate.

In 1909 opium smoking was outlawed, while the 1914 Harrison Act regulated opiates.

In 1919, Congress overrode President Wilson’s veto (one of the few intelligent things he did) to pass the Volstead Act, outlawing alcohol .

The 1933 repeal of Prohibition did little to end the madness that it created. Organized crime had a small impact on this nation prior to prohibition. Prohibition gave mobs the foothold from which to establish a vast industry supplying alcohol. Repeal of the Volstead Act simply transferred this industry to the supply of anything else that might be prohibited, including drugs.

States began as early as 1910 to outlaw cannabis. Utah’s prohibition of marijuana was said to have resulted from wide-spread use by Mexican inhabitants. But the truth is that its use was becoming common among Mormons, who were bringing it back from travels. The church's reaction to this contributed to the state's marijuana law.

Other states quickly followed suit with marijuana prohibition laws, including Wyoming (1915), Texas (1919), Iowa (1923), Nevada (1923), Oregon (1923), Washington (1923), Arkansas (1923), and Nebraska (1927). These laws tended to target the Mexican-American population. When Montana outlawed marijuana in 1927, the Butte Montana Standard reported a legislator's comment: "When some beet field peon takes a few traces of this stuff, he thinks he has just been elected president of Mexico, so he starts out to execute all his political enemies." In Texas, a senator said on the floor of the Senate: "All Mexicans are crazy, and this stuff [marijuana] is what makes them crazy."

Again, racism was part of the charge against marijuana, as newspapers in 1934 editorialized: "Marijuana influences Negroes to look at white people in the eye, step on white men's shadows and look at a white woman twice."

In 1930, the Federal Bureau of Narcotics was added to the Treasury Department and Harry J. Anslinger was named director. This marked the beginning of the all-out war against marijuana. Anslinger was an ambitious man, and recognized the Bureau as a career opportunity---a new government agency giving him the opportunity to both define a problem and deliver the solution. He realized that opiates and cocaine wouldn't generate enough “business” to fit his ambition, so he latched on to marijuana and started to work on making it illegal at the federal level.

Anslinger used themes of racism and violence to draw national attention to the problem he wanted to create. He also promoted and frequently read from the "Gore Files" wild reefer-madness-style exploitation tales of ax murderers on marijuana and sex and... Negroes.

There was wide-spread
contention and discussion over Anslinger’s claims by the AMA as well as others. But he became essentially the first Drug Czar, though the term didn't exist until William Bennett's position as director of the White House Office of National Drug Policy. There are parallels between Anslinger and many of our current administrators. He had carte blanche to demonize drugs and drug users. He had resources and a large public podium to promote his personal agenda, with attendant ears of law makers. He was a racist. He lied constantly, often when unnecessary, and realized the extent to which he could persuade with lies, particularly if he could pressure the media into squelching or downplaying any opposition views. Anslinger had 37 years to solidify his propaganda and stifle opposition.

With the repeal of prohibition, the huge bureaucracy of law enforcement agencies were left without a mission. So in 1937,
Marijuana was taxed and demonized, leading to criminalization on a national scale to give the large apparatus a mission.


In 1938, Mayor LaGuardia of New York appointed a committee to study marijuana's affects. The committee found that it did not act as a "gateway drug". It also found no scientific reason for its criminalization. In 1972 the Shafer Commission, appointed by President Nixon, similarly concluded that cannabis should be re-leaglized. '72 was an election year; Nixon, under the political cloud of continuing war and the break-in at the Watergate office complex not only failed to act upon the recommendations, he didn't even read the report.


Moving forward forty years, President Obama has cracked the door of legalization, stating that he favors “decriminalization” of marijuana, and “rethinking” the whole war on drugs. Savings to the US by replacing marijuana prohibition with a system of taxation and regulation similar to that used for alcoholic beverages would produce combined savings and tax revenues of between $10 billion and $14 billion per year, finds a June 2005 report by Dr. Jeffrey Miron, visiting professor of economics at Harvard University. Jon Gettman's report on the consequences of outlawing marijuana show similar statistics: interdiction costs at $10.7 Billion, lost revenue at $31 Billion.

These reports have been endorsed by more than 530 distinguished economists, who signed an open letter to President Bush and other public officials calling for "an open and honest debate about marijuana prohibition," adding, "We believe such a debate will favor a regime in which marijuana is legal but taxed and regulated like other goods." Chief among the endorsing economists are three Nobel Laureates in economics: Dr. Milton Friedman of the Hoover Institute, Dr. George Akerlof of the University of California at Berkeley, and Dr. Vernon Smith of George Mason University.

Revenue from taxation of marijuana sales would range from $2.4 billion per year if marijuana were taxed like ordinary consumer goods to $6.2 billion if it were taxed like alcohol or tobacco.” This is only the beginning of the benefits from legalization. Beyond that, decriminalizing drugs would relieve enormous law enforcement capacity for the persecution and prosecution of serious criminals, both blue and white collar. We could empty out our prisons, as only a small percentage the prison population is now considered violent. The courts would be freed up from the never-ending stream of drug-related infractions. Justice statistics for 2007 showed that nearly 60% of the state prisoners serving time for a drug offense had no history of violence and 80% of arrests were for possession, not sales.


Brian O'Dea, author of High: Confessions of an International Drug Smuggler, with an acute perspective from both sides of the controversy says, "A cascade of bad outcomes follows a policy of prohibition. The worst may be the dangerous, bloody criminal activity it promotes." "...now guns are a large part of the picture. The illegal drug trade is the currency that funds and inspires a vast, violent and well-armed gangster class." "Take away the currency of illegal drugs and you take away the guns, the violence and corruption."

Lastly with revenues from increased taxes and scale-backs in law enforcement, we could balance budgets, offer free drug treatment programs, better schools and health programs for children, if not all of us.

Let’s look more closely at the roots of our drug policy:

As we moved through the industrial age and into the 20th Century, America was the manufacturing powerhouse of the world. By the end of WWII, the United States had close to half of the manufacturing base of the entire world. We financed the Marshal Plan, extending aid and resources to many of the countries destroyed by the war.

With the emergence of the “global market”, our manufacturing base has withered away, leaving large pockets of unemployment. Through labor cost disparity, a great network of international transportation and government indifference to budget and trade imbalance, the third world has stripped our economy of manufacturing jobs.

We now see economic chaos as well as wide-spread unemployment. Where a generation ago, we might see an unemployment rate of 3 to 5 percent, now 7 to 8 percent is considered normal, and that only counts those “looking for work”. As one might expect, the lower classes have borne the brunt of these job losses. We currently have a population of approximately 15 million people who face chronic unemployment; they have been effectively phased out of our economy. With poor education in their neighborhoods, only the most gifted and motivated are able to escape.

The stark truth that America doesn’t want to face is that there is no profit in bringing the marginal classes on line; they have effectively been declared “surplus”, casualties of the modern age. In the absence of a normal economy of goods, services and jobs in these ghettos, we offer the drug economy. A child growing up on the streets discovers that this underground economy provides his only chance for a decent life. The street culture of drugs is fueled by the “war on drugs”, with which we distract ourselves and perpetuate the lie that we care. The drug war represents “bread and circuses” offered up by the modern age to distract the masses from their misery.

If we ended the “war on drugs” the inner city economy would have to be replaced by something. The “establishment” resists this change with enormous financial and political energy. Much of the enormous savings presented by putting a stop to the interdiction, prosecution and imprisonment of these people would have to be invested in services for this population: rehabilitation, education, job training. Law enforcement agencies, as well as the “corrections” industry vigorously opposes this policy, not because it’s bad policy, but because it would put so many of them out of work. (See an interview with David Simon for more material on this aspect of the “war of drugs”.) “The drug war is a war on the underclass. That's all it is. It has no other meaning.”

Any politician attempting to change this dynamic faces tremendous political risk. Undermining “the war on drugs” will produce a chorus of outrage claiming that drug-use will increase. This concern is not directed toward inner city culture, of course, rather at drug use in the suburbs.

According to Brian O'Dea, "It is time we stopped treating drug addiciton, a medical condition, with law enforcement. It's time to repatriate the vast quantities of money that are being hidden, removed from the country and going untaxed, and it's time we keep those same vast sums from funding violent crime. It's time to end modern prohibition. It didn't work for alcohol; it isn't working for drugs."

If this argument for ending our war on drugs is not compelling enough, it pales next to the international aspects of the madness. Next month we’ll look at that.

Jackson Dave is a Robbinsense staff writer